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李总理一再的维护选举制度的变法,犹如拗相公再世

李总理一再的维护选举制度的变法,犹如拗相公再世


李显龙总理昨晚在亚洲新闻台现场直播的向总理提问时间英语电视政治论坛上又针对非选区议员制度的变法,提出他的理由并加以辩护。相同的理由也在上星期国大的论坛上提出,这种一而再的重复同样的理由,就是要为国会里行动党议员的集体思维辩护。演变下去,就像是拗相公王安石再现。

李总理说,政府不想让人民觉得他们的感受或观点受忽略,也要使国会的观点更加多元化,因此在来临大选时让更多反对党人有机会以非选区议员身份进入国会。如此一来,也能避免选民的情绪反弹。

国会里的非选区议员和官委议员是没有投票权的。这种所谓有别于执政党的声音,真如李总理说的能制衡行动党吗?新加坡选民要的是一个有制衡力量的反对党,而不是只是发发声音而已的反对党。新加坡国会目前的失衡情形,只能听到行动党要听的话,这种片面的行动党议员的人民之声,是无法制衡执政党,也无法迈向第一世界国会。

拗相公要听变法成功的声音,要看集体思维

中国最早的通俗文学中有一个短篇小说,叫《拗相公》。那是宋朝通俗文字的短篇小说集,内容说王安石死后不久,王安石便以其拗相公的外号为人所知了。王安石变法及那场政争的悲剧之发生,很大程度上,是由于他一个人个性上的缺点造成。他不能接受忠言,他不愿承认自己犯错。朋友对王安石的反对,只增强了他贯彻他那政策的决心。

《警世通言》云:「他性子执拗,主意一定,佛菩萨也劝他不转,人皆呼为拗相公。」不媚俗、不妥协,使王安石推动改革,无所顾忌;只问是非不问交情的性格,使得富弼、韩琦、欧阳修、司马光等元老重臣一一掛冠求去。拗读作「傲」,意思是有一点傲、有一点拗、有一点倔强、有一点不可理喻。这种人是老顽固,牛脾气,又臭又硬,一旦他作成决定,休想改变;与他共事,很难搞定。但是,这样的「拗」,亦有可取可观之处,王安石所作所为,可以为證!

正如王安石一样,我们有理由相信李总理及其团队是以新加坡人的利益做出发点的。我们也相信他们不是为了个人私利而从政的。这正和王安石相似,王安石一生没有做对不起国家的事。没有贪国家一分钱。

好的动机,没有良好的结果

王安石变法有良好的愿望和动机,但是,却无法产生良好的结果。王安石变法的失败实际上出在四个字理财、用人。理财为了富国强兵,是变法最基本的需求;而用人则关系到财理到哪里去了,实际关系到变法的成败。王安石并没有很好地解决用人的问题,因此,他的初衷很好,措施也不能说不得力的变法却没有收到应有的结果,反而成为新兴官僚集团搜刮地皮,扰民害民的工具,大悖于王安石的良苦用心,这究竟是因为什么呢?

归根就底,这和王安石拗相公的性格有很大的关系。拗相公的故事,说的就是王安石如何固执,不接受谏言,一意孤行,最终变法以失败结束。有拗相公之称的王安石,性格偏执。偏执类型的人,一般都具有强烈的自尊心,并十分敏感,固执己见,自命不凡。此外,性格偏执的人,还十分缺乏同理心,不能站在他人角度考虑问题,易将错误推诿他人或种种客观原因。凡此种种,都会使当事人在待人处事中表现出种种的偏向、偏见、偏信、偏好、偏激行为,并给其人际沟通及合作共事带来极大的阻碍。

在变法过程中,王安石也是一贯我行我素,导致朝中大臣多与他决裂。这当中有人原来是他的靠山,如韩维等人;有人原来是他的荐主,如文彦博、欧阳修等人;有人原来是他的上司,如富弼、韩琦等人;也有人原来是他的朋友,如范缜、司马光等人。虽然他们都是一时俊杰,朝廷重臣,却因为不同意王安石的某些做法而被逐一赶出朝廷。特别是司马光,念在与王安石共事数年的交情上,曾三次写信给王安石,劝他调整自己的治国方略。可惜王安石就是执迷不悟,看一条驳一条,导致司马光最后与他分道扬镳,终身不再往来。

变法用人,基本贯彻着干部路线

纵观王安变法的用人,基本贯彻着党同伐异的干部路线。只要是口头上坚决拥护新法,并且不惜矫枉过正地推行他所以为的新法的后进,不管其人品怎样,节操如何、是否有胸襟为了终极目标,就能虚怀若谷地博采众家之益言,忍辱负重地团结同人,目标一致地坚定地走到底,都是王安石信任重用的对象。而恰恰是这些人,大多处于政治投机的动机,并不真心拥护变法改革,只是借用这一终南捷径,来实现自己飞黄腾达,青云直上的目的而已。

为了执行他的变法,王安石甚至让官员假造数据,制造变法成功的假象,让皇帝相信和以为变法取得成果。但是,人民饱受变法之苦,最后,还是暴露出来。行动党通过在国会拥有三分二的议席,可以在毫无制衡下,修改宪法,修改选举制度,修改民选总统制度,这些变法,真的有以新加坡人民的利益为前提吗?我们看到结果又什么呢?

《流民图》导致王安石下台
流民图 source: www.stnn.cc

郑侠一个看门小吏亲眼目睹王安石变法给黎民百姓带来灾难,多次向王安石陈述变法的弊病,恳切希望能立即停止变法,但遭到王安石白眼相拒。郑侠知道王安石已经听不进逆耳忠言,于熙宁七年(公元1074)三月,画成《流民图》,写成《论新法进流民图疏》,请求朝廷罢除变法。奏疏送到阁门,不被接纳,只好假称秘密紧急边报,发马直递送银台司,呈给神宗皇帝,疏称:但经眼目,已可涕泣,而况有甚于此者乎?如陛下行臣之言,十日不雨,即乞斩臣宣德门外,以正欺君之罪。看着一个看门小官以死相谏,神宗反复览图,长吁数四,袖以入,是夕寝不能寐

郑侠的《流民图》,其实就是一卷反映流离失所百姓的悲惨生活的画图。当时神宗皇帝赵顼看到这样的一道表章,这样的一卷画图,不由震惊万分。就连当时皇太后、皇后看了此表、此图,也是痛苦得难以自持。生长在皇宫里的皇帝和皇后,哪里见过天下黎庶家破人亡,流离失所的悲哀惨景!现时,郑侠的浓墨重笔,胜过千言万语,冲决了禁城红墙,把一群血泪交加的流民图景送进了皇帝的寝宫,那一张张饥饿变形的面孔,使神宗赵顼惊骇万分。

人民饱受疾苦,这样的变法能成功吗?新加坡选举制度的变法,在国会没有反对党制衡下,一意孤行,随意通过修改宪法,做出有利执政党的改变,不是有点像拗相公王安石吗?在国会里,行动党拥有超过三分二多数,没有反对党制衡,是很可能出现现代版的拗相公。

选民有必要认清拗相公的祸害,好心人有可能做坏事,因此,要及早制止悲剧的发生。

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