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全民总统之大选的启示


全民总统之大选的启示

57日的全国大选,对即将举行的民选总统选举会有什么影响,是否跟行动党关系密切的候选人,就没有机会胜出呢?原本不应该谈这个问题,因为,新加坡选民,有没有得选,还是一个未知数。

虽然, 政策研究院在大选后进行的一项全国调查的结果显示, 新加坡人要求政治空间更加开放,但是,如果真的有票投,选民会不会继续不投带行动党色彩的候选人呢?而候选人一直要跟行动党划清界限,是否是明智之举呢?

不论怎么说,支持行动党的人还是居大数,不要国家出现大变数的人还是占大多数。因此,陈庆炎的 参选,尤其是他的资格,他的作风,他的稳重和他过去的表现,都在在表明他是可以维持现状,维护国家稳定的人。这个背景,这个履历,使到他的的胜算很高,是行动党绝对放心的人。

况且,不管是全国大选还是总统选举,候选人能够充分发表政见,参加辩论的机会并不多,这次总统选举,连群从大会也只能开一场。对选民来说,是否有足够的讯息,资料来分析,来判断候选人的优缺点,从而投下圣神的一票,真的很难说。这种局面和安排,对资历最深的陈庆炎最有利。

政策研究院的调查,虽然其中立性和题目的设计未必令人满意,但是还是有其参考价值。对于陈庆炎的对手来说,可以借鉴一下,调整本身的步伐和策略,以便增加自己的胜选机会。


行动党的票源在老人和劳动阶级

政策研究院的调查显示,行动党在信任度方面的主要支持者来自 40岁以上的人和劳工阶级。在中产阶级和收入5000元以上的选民中,信任度较低。

有意竞选的三陈中,陈钦亮虽然已经60出头,但是却比其他两位年轻,到底这批行动党的忠实支持者,会看上年纪较轻还是年纪较长的候选人呢?

正常情形下,这批人依然会投陈庆炎。而中产阶级和高收人的人倾向比较独立的候选人。这些票就会分散到其他两陈身上了。因此,如果是三角战,陈庆炎胜出。

反对党在大选时,一直说行动党没有照顾收入低和老人,但是,调查结果是偏偏这批人是行动党的支持者,是行动党的票源。他们是行动党制度下的受害者,为何还要支持行动党?难道跟他们没有上网,没有获得足够信息有关?这么看来,他们在总统选举中任然会支持陈庆炎。


投票倾向和反风

政策研究院的调查也显示,华人选民最可能投反对党的;马来选民开始倾向反对党,而且增长幅度最大;印度选民和其他选民保守人数最多。

所以,总统选举的最大的选票来源是华人,而他们是最可能投反对票的。刚刚好,选民的结构,也是华人占多数。现在, 连占选民人数第二多的马来选民,也思变。这这就难怪纳丹不想竞选连任,或许,也使得行动党不得不推出一位有分量的候选人陈庆炎来抵挡这股反风。

华人和马来人的反风和投票倾向到底会不会进一步恶化
这点说不准。有可能变本加厉,但是,如果出现三角战,反风的票一分散,到头来,还是陈庆炎得胜。


其他变数,有利陈庆炎的对手

政策研究院的调查也指出:年老和年轻选民开始转投反对党;
社交网站开始重要,即使对老年人来说也开始重要起来;以及
教育越高,越有可能投反对党。

关于社交网站的重要性,这可以从陈庆炎记者会邀请博客参加看得出来。在候选人没有充分发表政见的管道下,社交网站可以扮演一个更加重要的角色。

年轻人,受教育较多,自然倾向有独立意见的候选人。年老选民,已经没有什么可以失去了,也开始倾向非行动党色彩的候选人,这些变数都对陈庆炎的对手有利,但是,这个变动有多大,还要看各候选人的策略,时间上够不够说服更多的选民投自己一票。


合格书还是第一个变数

但是。说来说去,选举局总统选举委员会到底会才发出几张合格书给候选人。 这是第一个要解决的变数,这个变数定下来后,才能考虑其他的变数。

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