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死守死板死教条死典范,错失改革良机: 李显龙造不出时势,更造不出英雄。


一个可悲的现实是,1965年李光耀为担忧新加坡前途而失声痛哭。而2017年,讽刺的是,他的儿子李显龙,却必须躲在国会里为自己的政治前途,而不是新加坡的前途而痛哭。

李光耀当年想到的是新加坡何去何从,退出马来西亚,我们的前途在哪里?尽管有人说,那可能是鳄鱼泪,无论如何,当时的新加坡人,的确是为前途而茫然,没有方向感。

2017年的新加坡,在经济,公共行政,社会发展上,当然不可和1965年相比。没有强大的反对党,人民行动党一党独大,在国会拥有绝对的多数。因此,李显龙选择在这个安全的地方,为自己的廉洁辩护,为自己的政治前途辩护,当然,就可以自导自演,反驳“大多数错误”(mostly inaccurate)的指责,轻描淡写的把少数正确的指责轻轻的带过。

李显龙现在的自导自演和国会辩护,完全是从个人的立场出发,考虑的是个人的政治前途,而李光耀当年,虽然也顾及个人的政治前途,同志的期待,但是,国家的前途,却是重中之重。把新加坡搞好搞活,考虑国人的利益就是行动党第一代领导人的责任。反观七月三日的李显龙,他却要为个人的政治前途辩护,他的举动对于新加坡来说是一种减分,由此可见,李显龙的境界有多高!

1965年的李光耀,如果无法领导新加坡,在同辈中,的确有可以取代李光耀领导新加坡的领袖。看看今天的新加坡,似乎没有可以取代李显龙,或者,不愿“冒险”担当这个任务的人。 正如,李玮玲李显扬指出的,李显龙何晶有意培养自己的接班人。从这一点观察,新加坡目前的处境比1965年来得更加糟,因为,我们没有愿意献身的国家领袖。部长和行动党领袖,考虑的是个人的利益,而不是像1965年那样,为国家的前途而奋斗。因此,李玮玲李显扬才说,国会无法说出事实的真相。

    李显龙对于李光耀故居的诠释,就充分的表现出他死守死板死教条死典范的行为。他认为李光耀的教条,不可变更,旧的成功典范,必须永久保留下来。因此,把故居保留下来,就是一项必须工作。如果,没有了故居,那么,李显龙做任何事情,都变得‘名不正言不顺’了。为此,他害怕失去故居,害怕失去这个神主牌。

【时、位错乱】

    李显龙错误的判断,或者说没有看清楚1965和2017的不同。时代已经改变了,连过世的李光耀都看出来,故居的神主牌不可再用。2015年大选的成绩,似乎坚定李显龙保留故居的决心。但是,这同时也是一种误判时间的考量。行动党当年取得政权,不是靠什么神主牌,而是有一群志同道合的同志,大家一起奋斗,间中也用了一些不光明的手段。

    李显龙似乎忘了他的总理位子是怎么来的?他没有看清楚自己的位置,这点他就不如蒋经国。蒋经国看到自己的位子,就开放台湾,甚至,如果蒋经国晚几年过世,台海两岸就不是现在这个样子。或许,这就是李显龙的高度,他坐上总理的位子,想到的是个人的问题,而不是国家的前途。故居问题不是今天才发生,最少两年前,甚至2011年就出现了。但是,他考虑的是死守死板死教条死典范,认为这才是他个人的出路。难怪,李玮玲说当遗属宣布时,李显龙生气得要把故居遗迹化。

    几年前就出现问题,李显龙没有及时处理家里的纠纷,现在却要国人了解。这是时间上的错误。还有,他不是遗属执行人,这就变得位也错了。他应该想一想,李光耀的遗属几年前立下的时候,就注定不让李显龙在“时”和“位”上取得优势。而李显龙根本没有觉察出来,及时的给予纠正。或许,他认为只要神主牌在,任何事情都可以解决。而他的跟班,他也会跟上。就像两个星期来,我们陆陆续续看到这些根本陆续上场。可想而知,在国会,同班人马,甚至更多跟班就会为出现。

    因此,李显龙目前的处境是时、位错乱。他把新加坡带上一条政治不稳定的道路。虽然暂时新加坡没有出现不稳定状况,但是,他个人的错位错时,国家社会分裂(尤其是精英们)将会进一步加深,而接班人,如果有的话,也会出现预想不到的问题。

    李显龙被认为理科顶呱呱,他应该想到量子物理中的迷惑和不稳定性。他死守着死板的死教条和死典范,就像他不惜一切保留李光耀故居一样,其实,在外人看来是非理性的,非科学性的。一个理科顶呱呱的人,在错位错时的背景下,变成采取了非理性,非建设性的决定。

【天不时、地不利、人不和】

    我们回顾李显龙政府过去几年的表现,就会发现,不论外交还是内政,都出现天不时、地不利、人不和的局面。从和中国的外交关系,美国的TPP误判和坚持,海外投资失利,到地铁问题,告人诽谤,媒体言论控制,NTU中文风波,都可以看到李显龙的天不时、地不利。http://pijitailai.blogspot.sg/2017/05/blog-post_27.html
    人不和更是厉害,从家事变成国事。再接再厉变成国际笑话。

【错位错时总理,新加坡何去何从】

    2017和1965当然不同。新加坡在国内外的“位”和“时”都改变了。但是,李显龙还停留在,或者说,死守着死板的死教条和死典范。他以为李光耀留下的旧教条和旧典范,可以依样画葫芦,一切照旧。

    新加坡的困境是,遇到一位错位错时总理,不愿改变、改革,依然活在垄断国会的治国方式。当李光耀在1965年,为新加坡痛哭时,他想到的是新加坡的前途,而如今,李显龙在一党独大的国会,只是为自己的前途而痛苦。他没有勇气公开的面对新加坡的未来,只在国会为自己辩护,呜呼哀哉!


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