Skip to main content

Prime Minister of Population Driven Income Growth


From the 1965 -2011 population and income changes under 3 different Prime Ministers of Singapore, it is not so difficult to identify the population driven income growth prime minister.

From the published statistics# of population and income from Department of Statistics, we can see the performance of the 3 Prime Ministers.  Using 1965 as the base year, the year of our independence, the period under Lee KuanYew is 25 year (1965-1990), Goh Chok Tong 14 years (1990-2004) and Lee Hsien Loong 7 years (2004-2011).  

Clearly, Lee senior scored very well in both population and income increase. His 25 years saw an increase of 1.16 million in population (61.49%) but an income increase of 1302% to $22,868 per capita. His strategy is slow population increase and high income increase. 

Goh Chok Tong used another 14 years, increased the population by another 1.119 million (36.49%) but with a slow income growth of 85.65% to $42,455 per capita.

From 2004 to 2011, Lee junior used only 7 years to increase the population by another 1.017 million (24.41%) and of course the income also grew by 45.31% to $61,692 per capita.

Table 1: 1965-2011 Singapore population and income@
Year
Population (‘000)
Population increase (‘000, %)
Income@ (S$)
Income increase (S$, %)
Government Administration (PM)
1965
1,886.9

1,631

Lee Kuan Yew
1990
3,047.1
1,160.2 61.49%
22,868
21237 1302.1%
Goh Chok Tong
2004
4,166.7
1,119.6 36.74%
42,455
19,587 85.65%
Lee Hsien Loong
2011
5,183.7
1,017 24.41%
61,692
19237 45.31%

@ Per capita GNI at current market prices

Shorter and shorter time taken to increase million populations
From 25 years (1965-1990), to 14 years (1990-2004) then to 7 years (2004-2011), million-population increase was achieved under the 3 different prime ministers. At the same time, nearly $20,000+ income per person was also achieved during the 25, 14 and 7-year periods.

Shorter time to have additional million populations and shorter time to have another $20,000 per capita income, this is how we do it.   

A success story
Starting from a low base, Singapore is really a success story as claimed by the PM during his National Day Message this year.  From a population of 1.886 million and an income per capita of only $1,631 in 1965, we did very well in the past 46 years. Our yearly increase of population is 3.8% and income per capita, 80%.  In 2011, our population and income per capita stood at 5.183 million and $61,692 respectively.     

What a wonderful achievement in term of population and income increase!

Table 2: Comparison between 1965 and 2011 population and income        
Year
Population (000)
Population increase (000, %)
Income@ (S$)
Income increase (S$, %)
1965
1,886.9

1,631

2011
5,183.7
3,296.8 174.72%
61,692
60,061 36824.7%
Yearly increase (%)

3.80%

80.05%

Population driven income growth
If we divide 46 years into 3 different periods under 3 different prime ministers, based on yearly increase data, Lee Hsien Loong achieved his income growth by injecting more population into Singapore economy in a shorter time.  His 3.49% population yearly increase is the highest comparing to his father and Goh.

And this income growth percentage (6.47%) is only slightly better than Goh’s 6.12% but Goh only used a population yearly increase of 2.62% as compared to the current PM’s 3.49% per year.

Table 3: Yearly average increase in population and income 1965-2011 under 3 different PMs
Period
Years
Yearly increase in population
Yearly increase in income
Administration
1965-1990
25
2.46%
52.08%
Lee Kuan Yew
1990-2004
14
2.62%
6.12%
Goh Chok Tong
2004-2011
7
3.49%
6.47%
Lee Hsien Loong





1965-2011
46
3.8%
80.05%


Can Singapore income growth increase as before under Lee Hsien Loong without a high rate of population increase? It seems not likely.  Comparing Goh and Lee junior, there is a substantial difference in population growth strategy.  Goh uses a moderate growth rate of 2.62% but Lee junior uses a higher rate of 3.49%.

Education and quality of workforce
Even with better education and higher quality of (local) workforce, Lee is not able to make used of this advantage to increase income. He has to depend on population increase to achieve income growth.  During Lee senior’s or even Goh’s tenure, our local education level and quality of workforce were much more lower but these have not affected the income growth.
How come we manage to increase income with less educated and less qualify workers from 1965 to 2004 and why not now?

Declining birth rate
From early period of stop at two to the later period of more marriages and more babies, the population is still manage to grow at 3.8%  yearly in the past 46 years.  

This means a substantial increase in population is foreign driven.  Are we importing lower quality workforce to make up the number, to lower down the average education and qualification level of the total population? (So that there is room to pay lower wages to both local and foreign workforce).   


There may be more interesting co-relationships between published population and income statistics #.    Here, we have not discussed the distribution of the increased income – who have taken away the share?   We may need to divide the income into local and foreign to get a better picture.  We need to do more to …..

Some qualify academics may help to provide a better picture to Singaporeans. Can we seek some helps from the liberal thinking of Yale-NUS College next year when it starts its education in Singapore?  

#

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

Sub-standard PAP and the Singapore education system

I make a 'policy shift' when I hear the debate of right politics, constructive politics and sub-standard opposition. My original aim is to discuss about “Su Dongbo, Zhang Juzheng and Singapore education system”. The discussion will end with a sub-standard PAP, in particular from the assessment of the quality of PAP potential candidates. Another policy shift is to discuss it like a play, a drama and make it more entertainment rather than a sub-standard political discussion. Act 1 Gangster’s demand Imagine a sense in the Hong Kong's gangster movie (or a godfather movie), the gangsters' master is shouting at his poor opponent and demand him to give a price for his wrong act. The poor guy without any resources can only offer his body or his service to work for the master. Back in his own chamber, the master is still not satisfied and continues to shout 'don't play, play, you think you are hero, you think you are tiger, or superstar or acting ...

Is Prism Project Another Central Planning of the PAP?

There are 3 scenarios under the Prism Project#1 of Institute of Public Policy.  However, it looks more like the central scenario planning of the People’s Action Party. From the instructional menu of Prism Project Primer #2, participants were guided to a situation in 2022 and they have to imagine, within the Primer framework, to come out with 3 possible scenarios in Jun-Aug 2012.  2022. What a coincidence! Not long ago, PM Lee declared that he would like to hold the prime minister post for another 10 years. The other coincidence is the similarity between the 3 scenarios and the candidates of PE2011. How competitive and sustainable are the 3 scenarios to the people of Singapore and to the PAP?   Will the scenarios produce competitive and sustainable Singapore, Singaporeans or the PAP?  Perhaps, as what the Chinese say: planning cannot always catch up with changes.   And planning sometimes turns out the wrong, bad and unexpected results, espec...

对话一定要有共识吗?还是求取多元性来丰富自我?

全国对话喊到现在还一直高喊全国要有共识,尤其是全国对话的结果就是要寻求新加坡人的共识。不然,行动党就会说,我国的政治将会出现分裂,新加坡就变成一个不团结的国家。 全国对话一定要取得共识吗?文明对话的目的难道就是为了取得全国共识吗?如果是共识,那就一定有取舍。是不是说强势的人就领头共识,而落势的就落得一无所有。这不又走回老路,一条行动党独大的旧政治框框吗?看来,行动党对于过去,仍然依依不舍,行动党的共识,就是国家的共识,新加坡人的共识。 对话是要加深双方的了解,尊敬并且互相学习,吸取对方的优点,填补自己的缺点。这就是多元性的好处。然而全国对话的结果,如果只是强求共识,而忽略多元性和不同的意见,甚至否定他人的意见,那么,这个共识,是否具建设性,破坏性,还是分裂性,那就很难说了。 行动党似乎忘记了多元性。文明的对话并不是要把自己的 意见,信仰和理念强加给对方。即使这些意见,信仰和理念都是好的,善的。但是,对方未必会欣赏,未必会接受。因此,对话的结果应该是吸取对方的意见,改进自己的治国方针,然后,交给人民去决定,而这个决定也不过是大多数人的共识,而不可能是全国人民百分百的共识。 (乐观的看,行动党的全国对话,也不过是改进自己的治国方针,通过自己的小圈圈,自我讨论,研究,更新和改良行动党的政治策略,然后,在下一次大选时,拿出来让选民决定。因此,所谓的共识,在全国人民还没有决定前,仍然不是全国大多数人的共识。很可惜,行动党原本应该通过全国对话这个平台,吸收更多对手的意见,不同的观点,将它们纳入自己的政治策略中,然后在大选中让选民选择这个纳入反对意见的新政纲。可惜的是,行动党没有这个雅量,也或许根本看不起反对的意见。因此,它只能企图通过全国对话,硬要说这是全国共识。所以,充其量这只能说是行动党小圈圈的改良版政治策略,绝对不能说是全国共识。) ‘己所不欲,忽施于人’我们不喜欢的,不要强加他人身上。同样的,我们喜欢的,也不可以强加于他人身上。例如,有些人不喜欢吃有些食物,我们却很喜欢吃这类食物,但是,我们要尊重个人的喜好,不要强迫他人接受我们的建议。了解了这点,下一回提供食物时,就会通过多些选择,而不是只提供自己喜欢的食物。这点一般新加坡人都有这个敏感度,我们会了解马来族的要求,尽量避免他们敏感的食物。 为何行动党过去能够了解国人...